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The Face of Truth | Ibrahim Shaqlawi Al-Tijani Abd al-Qadir… He Was Greater Than Politics

 

Sometimes the death of scholars does not reveal the magnitude of what we have lost as much as it reveals how little we knew about them. The passing of Professor Al-Tijani Abd al-Qadir was of this kind. Many people discovered that they had lost a scholar who came close to politics without being absorbed by it; who belonged to an idea without allowing that belonging to confiscate his mind; and to whom the doors of power were opened, yet he chose to remain a thinker. That is why he was greater than politics, for politics ends at the boundaries of power, whereas thought begins where it ends.

 

I came to know Professor Tijani while I was still at the beginning of my university years, at a time when competition for the allegiance of new students was divided among Islamists, the Left, the Unionists, and the Umma Party, according to the political organizations at Cairo University. We, the philosophy students, were cautious about early alignment. We wanted to discuss an idea before belonging to it, and to understand its background before adopting its position.

 

Therefore, we chose to remain independent and free, because that margin gave us a wider space for intellectual maneuvering and for drawing from knowledge in all its colors and directions.

 

We would attend the gatherings of the Left, then those of the Islamists, listen to the Unionists and the Umma Party, and leave every gathering with something that broadened our questions about the meaning of belonging, attentiveness, and heedlessness. It was precisely in this margin that our vision was being formed. Knowledge, for us, was not a membership card, and independence was not cold neutrality; rather, it was a way of learning and a means of protecting the mind from becoming a follower.

 

But the meeting that remained in our memory more than any other was with Al-Tijani Abd al-Qadir, at the Institute of Islamic Knowledge affiliated with the University of Khartoum, as I recall. He spoke with us at length and was keen that we discuss ideas and their historical backgrounds, rather than receive ready-made positions. He did not seek to recruit us into the Islamic movement, as others did; instead, he left before us the space to think and choose.

 

That day, we felt that the man approached the issue of loyalty and disavowal through a different method: he opened the door of understanding before the door of affiliation, and placed the idea in its context before asking you to stand with it or against it. Perhaps that is why the meeting has remained in my memory: it did not give us a ready answer, but gave us something more precious—the right to think.

 

Whenever I return to those days after decades, it seems to me that I was before the true features of Al-Tijani. At the core of his experience, he was greater than politics in its limited sense. He did not reject politics; rather, he rejected politics being allowed to reduce thought, or the value of the intellectual being reduced to his position within power or an organization.

 

Herein lies Al-Tijani’s political importance: he was among those who entered politics through the door of thought, then remained capable of leaving it for the realm of criticism and review. The testimonies of his contemporaries after his passing confirmed that, despite his intellectual affiliation, he did not regard it as an obstacle to reassessment. Since the mid-1990s, he had adopted critical positions toward the Salvation experience and wrote critically about its course.

 

This conscious distance between affiliation and independence is what we lack today. The intellectual who loses his distance from an idea becomes its justifier, while the politician who has no concern for knowledge turns the state into a field of experiments. Therefore, despite the political and leadership roles offered to him, Al-Tijani chose the sphere of thought, preserving the independence of the idea and demonstrating that an intellectual can influence politics without becoming an employee within it. In a country where an intellectual’s influence has long been measured by his proximity to power, the man presented a different model: thought that approaches politics without making it an object of ambition.

 

The country’s crisis was not a scarcity of minds, but the absence of institutions that transform knowledge into action. The state summons people of thought when needed, then returns to managing chaos. Al-Tijani Abd al-Qadir was a model of this paradox. He was concerned with questions of the state, society, religion, and politics, with a mind that saw knowledge as understanding and politics as a project—not as a struggle for power.

 

His experience reveals that our predicament is not the absence of knowledge, but our inability to transform it into a project. Thus, we discover the value of minds after their departure, instead of making them a force for shaping our present and future.

 

Therefore, according to #The_Face_of_Truth, loyalty to Al-Tijani means returning his ideas to the questions that politics has failed to answer. He was too great for politics to be contained by an organization, a position, or an alignment. He saw politics as a tool for understanding the state and society, not an arena for domination.

 

In a country led by polarization into war, his passing becomes a political and intellectual loss. Perhaps the harshest lesson is that Sudan has not failed to produce politicians, but rather to listen to thinkers. When loyalty replaces knowledge and alignment replaces dialogue, destruction becomes a natural outcome.

 

May God have mercy on Al-Tijani Abd al-Qadir, and grant his family, students, and admirers patience. The man has departed, but the tragedy extends beyond his passing: a nation that excludes its minds when it needs them, then mourns them when their voices can no longer help save what politics has ruined.

 

May you remain well and in good health.

Sunday, 20 September 2026

Shglawi55@gmail.com

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